December 11, 1917: The Liberation of Jerusalem
Dec 07, · Jerusalem surrenders to British troops On the morning of December 9, , after Turkish troops move out of the region after only a single day s fighting, officials of the Holy City of Jerusalem. Creation of the State of Israel Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, the British assumed control of Palestine. In November , the British government issued the Balfour Declaration, announcing its intention to facilitate the "establishment in Palestine of .
We recently celebrated Jerusalem Day Yom Yerushalayim and referenced this as a year of jubilee for Israel. But what exactly is a Jubilee Year? And you shall consecrate the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout the what happened in israel in 1917 to all its inhabitants. It shall be a jubilee for you, when each of you shall return to his property and each of you shall return to his clan.
That fiftieth year shall isreal a jubilee for you…. The Lord is speaking to Moses regarding Sabbaths and special days that Israel is to observe. Here, He is talking specifically about the Day of Atonement and the proclamation of liberty. In the following verses, the Lord exhorts Israel to how to get to northrend from orgrimmar His statutes in order to dwell securely in the land.
Read about the Principle of Righteousness. Dwelling in the land is a big deal, as God promised the inheritance of happehed land we call Israel to the Jewish people via the Abrahamic Covenant. Furthermore, Jerusalem has long been the religious and political capital of Israel, yet it has been conquered by others who occupied, though never named it as 191 capital city.
This year is the 50th anniversary a year of jubilee of the reunification of Jerusalem, and its return to Israeli control, as a result of the Whst Day War victory in What a what happened in israel in 1917 the nation of Israel enjoyed! But that all changed, and it happened in a series of Jubilee years, beginning in Despite the fact that Jerusalem has been trampled by Gentiles Lukeultimately the Lord will be faithful to preserve the City of Jerusalem for His people.
In fact, it will be in Jerusalem that every nation what happened in israel in 1917 go up year after year to worship the King! Shat Oh, praise His name this Jubilee Year! You could mention that in December of Jubilee Year American President Donald Trump formally recognized Jerusalem as the capital city of Israel, causing many other world leaders to follow suit. Thank you for the comment, Jake!
However, the post was written in Juneso that event had not happened yet! Thanks for your love of Israel…and keep praying for the nation and their leaders, particularly as they go to yet another election soon.
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Skip to content. Read about the Principle of Righteousness Dwelling in the land is a big deal, as God promised the what does tpms stand for of the land we call Israel to the Jewish people via the Abrahamic Covenant. For nearly 2, years no one knew where the ancient City of Happemed was, and most assumed it to be within the Ij City of Jerusalem.
Indeed, the God of Israel is faithful! The British fought various ih and eventually secured Jerusalem. Jerusalem is reunified and reestablished as the capital city of Israel! But rejoice in this Jubilee Year! God has proven 117 faithful once again! Like this: Like Loading February 10, at am Reply. Leave a Reply Cancel reply Enter your comment here Fill 197 your details below or click an icon to log in:.
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The History of Israel. - A Chronological Presentation. 1. Early Times ( - ) - The Byzantine Era. The Roman Emperor Constantine decreed that Christianity would henceforth be the official religion of the Roman Empire, and in AD he moved its capital from Rome to Byzantium, which he then renamed Constantinople (today Istanbul in Turkey). Israel swaps prisoners with the terrorist group Hezbollah; releases Arab prisoners in return for the remains of murdered soldiers and a kidnapped Israeli businessman. Jun 05, · One hundred years ago, Jerusalem was controlled by the Ottoman empire. The British fought various battles and eventually secured Jerusalem. In December of that year, British General Edmund Allenby (a devout Christian), entered Jaffa Gate on foot, rather than horseback or vehicle, in honor and reverence of the Old City.
His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
The Balfour Declaration was a public statement issued by the British government in during the First World War announcing support for the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine , then an Ottoman region with a small minority Jewish population. The text of the declaration was published in the press on 9 November Immediately following their declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire in November , the British War Cabinet began to consider the future of Palestine; within two months a memorandum was circulated to the Cabinet by a Zionist Cabinet member, Herbert Samuel , proposing the support of Zionist ambitions in order to enlist the support of Jews in the wider war.
Asquith to determine their policy towards the Ottoman Empire including Palestine. Asquith, who had favoured post-war reform of the Ottoman Empire, resigned in December ; his replacement David Lloyd George , favoured partition of the Empire. The first negotiations between the British and the Zionists took place at a conference on 7 February that included Sir Mark Sykes and the Zionist leadership.
Subsequent discussions led to Balfour's request, on 19 June, that Rothschild and Chaim Weizmann submit a draft of a public declaration. Further drafts were discussed by the British Cabinet during September and October, with input from Zionist and anti-Zionist Jews but with no representation from the local population in Palestine.
By late , in the lead up to the Balfour Declaration, the wider war had reached a stalemate, with two of Britain's allies not fully engaged: the United States had yet to suffer a casualty, and the Russians were in the midst of a revolution with Bolsheviks taking over the government.
A stalemate in southern Palestine was broken by the Battle of Beersheba on 31 October The release of the final declaration was authorised on 31 October; the preceding Cabinet discussion had referenced perceived propaganda benefits amongst the worldwide Jewish community for the Allied war effort.
The opening words of the declaration represented the first public expression of support for Zionism by a major political power. The term "national home" had no precedent in international law, and was intentionally vague as to whether a Jewish state was contemplated.
The intended boundaries of Palestine were not specified, and the British government later confirmed that the words "in Palestine" meant that the Jewish national home was not intended to cover all of Palestine.
The second half of the declaration was added to satisfy opponents of the policy, who had claimed that it would otherwise prejudice the position of the local population of Palestine and encourage antisemitism worldwide by "stamping the Jews as strangers in their native lands". The declaration called for safeguarding the civil and religious rights for the Palestinian Arabs , who composed the vast majority of the local population , and also the rights and political status of the Jewish communities in other countries outside of Palestine.
The British government acknowledged in that the local population's views should have been taken into account, and recognised in that the declaration should have called for protection of the Palestinian Arabs' political rights.
The declaration had many long-lasting consequences. It greatly increased popular support for Zionism within Jewish communities worldwide , and became a core component of the British Mandate for Palestine , the founding document of Mandatory Palestine , which later became Israel and the Palestinian territories.
As a result, it is considered a principal cause of the ongoing Israeli—Palestinian conflict , often described as the world's most intractable conflict. Controversy remains over a number of areas, such as whether the declaration contradicted earlier promises the British made to the Sharif of Mecca in the McMahon—Hussein correspondence. Early British political support for an increased Jewish presence in the region of Palestine was based upon geopolitical calculations. Such efforts were premature,  and did not succeed; [iii] only 24, Jews were living in Palestine on the eve of the emergence of Zionism within the world's Jewish communities in the last two decades of the 19th century.
Zionism arose in the late 19th century in reaction to anti-Semitic and exclusionary nationalist movements in Europe. In , Theodor Herzl , a Jewish journalist living in Austria-Hungary , published the foundational text of political Zionism, Der Judenstaat "The Jews' State" or "The State of the Jews" , in which he asserted that the only solution to the " Jewish Question " in Europe, including growing anti-Semitism, was the establishment of a state for the Jews.
Proposed measures to attain that goal included the promotion of Jewish settlement there, the organisation of Jews in the diaspora , the strengthening of Jewish feeling and consciousness, and preparatory steps to attain necessary governmental grants.
Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann , later President of the World Zionist Organisation and first President of Israel , moved from Switzerland to the UK in and met Arthur Balfour — who had just launched his — election campaign after resigning as Prime Minister  — in a session arranged by Charles Dreyfus , his Jewish constituency representative. The scheme, which had been proposed to Herzl by Joseph Chamberlain , Colonial Secretary in Balfour's Cabinet, following his trip to East Africa earlier in the year, [vii] had been subsequently voted down following Herzl's death by the Seventh Zionist Congress in [viii] after two years of heated debate in the Zionist Organization.
In January Weizmann first met Baron Edmond de Rothschild , a member of the French branch of the Rothschild family and a leading proponent of the Zionist movement,  in relation to a project to build a Hebrew university in Jerusalem.
Prior to the declaration, about 8, of Britain's , Jews belonged to a Zionist organisation. The year marked four centuries since Palestine had become part of the Ottoman Empire , also known as the Turkish Empire. Ottoman government in Constantinople began to apply restrictions on Jewish immigration to Palestine in late , in response to the start of the First Aliyah earlier that year. The British Cabinet first discussed Palestine at a meeting on 9 November , four days after Britain's declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire, of which the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem — often referred to as Palestine  — was a component.
At the meeting David Lloyd George , then Chancellor of the Exchequer , "referred to the ultimate destiny of Palestine".
Weizmann's political efforts picked up speed, [d] and on 10 December he met with Herbert Samuel , a British Cabinet member and a secular Jew who had studied Zionism;  Samuel believed Weizmann's demands were too modest. A month later, Samuel circulated a memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to his Cabinet colleagues.
The memorandum stated: "I am assured that the solution of the problem of Palestine which would be much the most welcome to the leaders and supporters of the Zionist movement throughout the world would be the annexation of the country to the British Empire".
Many further discussions followed, including the initial meetings in —16 between Lloyd George, who had been appointed Minister of Munitions in May ,  and Weizmann, who was appointed as a scientific advisor to the ministry in September In late the British High Commissioner to Egypt , Henry McMahon , exchanged ten letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca , in which he promised Hussein to recognize Arab independence "in the limits and boundaries proposed by the Sherif of Mecca" in return for Hussein launching a revolt against the Ottoman Empire.
The pledge excluded "portions of Syria " lying to the west of "the districts of Damascus, Homs , Hama and Aleppo ". The Arab Revolt was launched on June 5th, ,  on the basis of the quid pro quo agreement in the correspondence. In Palestine, internationalisation was proposed,   with the form of administration to be confirmed after consultation with both Russia and Hussein;  the January draft noted Christian and Muslim interests, and that "members of the Jewish community throughout the world have a conscientious and sentimental interest in the future of the country.
Prior to this point, no active negotiations with Zionists had taken place, but Sykes had been aware of Zionism, was in contact with Moses Gaster — a former President of the English Zionist Federation  — and may have seen Samuel's memorandum. In the event of Palestine coming within the spheres of influence of Great Britain or France at the close of the war, the governments of those powers will not fail to take account of the historic interest that country possesses for the Jewish community.
The Jewish population will be secured in the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, equal political rights with the rest of the population, reasonable facilities for immigration and colonisation, and such municipal privileges in the towns and colonies inhabited by them as may be shown to be necessary.
On 11 March, telegrams [l] were sent in Grey's name to Britain's Russian and French ambassadors for transmission to Russian and French authorities, including the formula, as well as :. The scheme might be made far more attractive to the majority of Jews if it held out to them the prospect that when in course of time the Jewish colonists in Palestine grow strong enough to cope with the Arab population they may be allowed to take the management of the internal affairs of Palestine with the exception of Jerusalem and the holy places into their own hands.
Sykes, having seen the telegram, had discussions with Picot and proposed making reference to Samuel's memorandum [m] the creation of an Arab Sultanate under French and British protection, some means of administering the holy places along with the establishment of a company to purchase land for Jewish colonists, who would then become citizens with equal rights to Arabs. Shortly after returning from Petrograd, Sykes briefed Samuel, who then briefed a meeting of Gaster, Weizmann and Sokolow.
Gaster recorded in his diary on 16 April "We are offered French-English condominium in Palest[ine]. Arab Prince to conciliate Arab sentiment and as part of the Constitution a Charter to Zionists for which England would stand guarantee and which would stand by us in every case of friction It practically comes to a complete realisation of our Zionist programme. However, we insisted on: national character of Charter, freedom of immigration and internal autonomy, and at the same time full rights of citizenship to [illegible] and Jews in Palestine.
These wartime initiatives, inclusive of the declaration, are frequently considered together by historians because of the potential, real or imagined, for incompatibility between them, particularly in regard to the disposition of Palestine.
In terms of British politics, the declaration resulted from the coming into power of Lloyd George and his Cabinet , which had replaced the H. Asquith led-Cabinet in December Whilst both Prime Ministers were Liberals and both governments were wartime coalitions , Lloyd George and Balfour, appointed as his Foreign Secretary, favoured a post-war partition of the Ottoman Empire as a major British war aim, whereas Asquith and his Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey , had favoured its reform.
Two days after taking office, Lloyd George told General Robertson , the Chief of the Imperial General Staff , that he wanted a major victory, preferably the capture of Jerusalem , to impress British public opinion,  and immediately consulted his War Cabinet about a "further campaign into Palestine when El Arish had been secured. Following the change in government, Sykes was promoted into the War Cabinet Secretariat with responsibility for Middle Eastern affairs.
In January , despite having previously built a relationship with Moses Gaster, [xiii] he began looking to meet other Zionist leaders; by the end of the month he had been introduced to Weizmann and his associate Nahum Sokolow , a journalist and executive of the World Zionist Organization who had moved to Britain at the beginning of the war.
On 7 February , Sykes, claiming to be acting in a private capacity, entered into substantive discussions with the Zionist leadership. Still the Arabs could be managed, particularly if they received Jewish support in other matters.
During the period of the British War Cabinet discussions leading up to the declaration, the war had reached a period of stalemate. On the Western Front the tide would first turn in favour of the Central Powers in spring ,  before decisively turning in favour of the Allies from July onwards. Balfour met Weizmann at the Foreign Office on 22 March ; two days later, Weizmann described the meeting as being "the first time I had a real business talk with him".
The French position in regard to Palestine and the wider Syria region during the lead up to the Balfour Declaration was largely dictated by the terms of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and was complicated from 23 November by increasing French awareness of the British discussions with the Sherif of Mecca.
In early April, Sykes and Picot were appointed to act as the chief negotiators once more, this time on a month-long mission to the Middle East for further discussions with the Sherif of Mecca and other Arab leaders. He was also received by Paolo Boselli , the Italian prime minister.
Sonnino arranged for the secretary general of the ministry to send a letter to the effect that, although he could not express himself on the merits of a program which concerned all the allies, "generally speaking" he was not opposed to the legitimate claims of the Jews. During the trip he spent significant time discussing Zionism with Louis Brandeis , a leading Zionist and a close ally of Wilson who had been appointed as a Supreme Court Justice a year previously.
By 13 June , it was acknowledged by Ronald Graham , head of the Foreign Office's Middle Eastern affairs department, that the three most relevant politicians — the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs , Lord Robert Cecil — were all in favour of Britain supporting the Zionist movement; [u] on the same day Weizmann had written to Graham to advocate for a public declaration.
Six days later, at a meeting on 19 June, Balfour asked Lord Rothschild and Weizmann to submit a formula for a declaration. Following further discussion, a revised — and at just 46 words in length, much shorter — draft declaration was prepared and sent by Lord Rothschild to Balfour on 18 July.
The decision to release the declaration was taken by the British War Cabinet on 31 October This followed discussion at four War Cabinet meetings including the 31 October meeting over the space of the previous two months.
These included the views of government ministers, war allies — notably from President Woodrow Wilson — and in October, formal submissions from six Zionist leaders and four non-Zionist Jews.
British officials asked President Wilson for his consent on the matter on two occasions — first on 3 September, when he replied the time was not ripe, and later on 6 October, when he agreed with the release of the declaration. Excerpts from the minutes of these four War Cabinet meetings provide a description of the primary factors that the ministers considered:.
Declassification of British government archives has allowed scholars to piece together the choreography of the drafting of the declaration; in his widely cited book, Leonard Stein published four previous drafts of the declaration.
The drafting began with Weizmann's guidance to the Zionist drafting team on its objectives in a letter dated 20 June , one day following his meeting with Rothschild and Balfour. He proposed that the declaration from the British government should state: "its conviction, its desire or its intention to support Zionist aims for the creation of a Jewish national home in Palestine; no reference must be made I think to the question of the Suzerain Power because that would land the British into difficulties with the French; it must be a Zionist declaration.
A month after the receipt of the much-reduced 12 July draft from Rothschild, Balfour proposed a number of mainly technical amendments. His Majesty's Government regards as essential for the realization of this principle the grant of internal autonomy to the Jewish nationality in Palestine, freedom of immigration for Jews, and the establishment of a Jewish National Colonizing Corporation for the resettlement and economic development of the country.
The conditions and forms of the internal autonomy and a Charter for the Jewish National Colonizing Corporation should, in the view of His Majesty's Government, be elaborated in detail and determined with the representatives of the Zionist Organization.
His Majesty's Government will use its best endeavours to secure the achievement of this object and will discuss the necessary methods and means with the Zionist Organisation. Subsequent authors have debated who the "primary author" really was. In his posthumously published book The Anglo-American Establishment , Georgetown University history professor Carroll Quigley explained his view that Lord Milner was the primary author of the declaration, [xviii] and more recently, William D.
The agreed version of the declaration, a single sentence of just 67 words,  was sent on 2 November in a short letter from Balfour to Walter Rothschild, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland. Report of the Palin Commission , August . The term "national home" was intentionally ambiguous,  having no legal value or precedent in international law,  such that its meaning was unclear when compared to other terms such as "state".
Interpretation of the wording has been sought in the correspondence leading to the final version of the declaration. An official report to the War Cabinet sent by Sykes on 22 September said that the Zionists did not want "to set up a Jewish Republic or any other form of state in Palestine or in any part of Palestine" but rather preferred some form of protectorate as provided in the Palestine Mandate.
Sections of the British press assumed that a Jewish state was intended even before the Declaration was finalized. Treaty expert David Hunter Miller , who was at the conference and subsequently compiled a 22 volume compendium of documents, provides a report of the Intelligence Section of the American Delegation to the Paris Peace Conference of which recommended that "there be established a separate state in Palestine," and that "it will be the policy of the League of Nations to recognize Palestine as a Jewish state, as soon as it is a Jewish state in fact.
Jewish settlement would be allowed and encouraged in this state and this state's holy sites would be under the control of the League of Nations. Historian Matthew Jacobs later wrote that the US approach was hampered by the "general absence of specialist knowledge about the region" and that "like much of the Inquiry's work on the Middle East, the reports on Palestine were deeply flawed" and "presupposed a particular outcome of the conflict". He quotes Miller, writing about one report on the history and impact of Zionism, "absolutely inadequate from any standpoint and must be regarded as nothing more than material for a future report" .
Lord Robert Cecil on 2 December , assured an audience that the government fully intended that "Judea [was] for the Jews.